新视野大学英语读写教程(第二版)第四册课文及翻译

The Temptation of a Respectable Woman

Mrs.Baroda was a little annoyed to learn that her husband expected his friend, Gouvernail, up to spend a week or two on the plantation.

Gouvernail's quiet personality puzzled Mrs.Baroda. After a few days with him, she could understand him no better than at first. She left her husband and his guest, for the most part, alone together, only to find that Gouvernail hardly noticed her absence. Then she imposed her company upon him, accompanying him in his idle walks to the mill to press her attempt to penetrate the silence in which he had unconsciously covered himself. But it hardly worked.

\"When is he going — your friend?\" she one day asked her husband. \"For my part, I find him a terrible nuisance.\"

\"Not for a week yet, dear. I can't understand; he gives you no trouble.\"

\"No. I should like him better if he did — if he were more like others, and I had to plan somewhat for his comfort and enjoyment.\"

Gaston pulled the sleeve of his wife's dress, gathered his arms around her waist and looked merrily into her troubled eyes.

\"You are full of surprises,\" he said to her. \"Even I can never count upon how you are going to act under given conditions. Here you are,\" he went on, \"taking

poor Gouvernail seriously and making a fuss about him, the last thing he would desire or expect.\"

\"Fuss!\" she hotly replied. \"Nonsense! How can you say such a thing! Fuss, indeed! But, you know, you said he was clever.\"

\"So he is. But the poor fellow is run down by too much work now. That's why I asked him here to take a rest.\"

\"You used to say he was a man of wit,\" she said, still annoyed. \"I expected him to be interesting, at least. I'm going to the city in the morning to have my spring dresses fitted. Let me know when Mr.Gouvernail is gone; until that time I shall be at my aunt's house.\"

That night she went and sat alone upon a bench that stood beneath an oak tree at the edge of the walk. She had never known her thoughts to be so confused; like the bats now above her, her thoughts quickly flew this way and that. She could gather nothing from them but the feeling of a distinct necessity to leave her home in the next morning.

Mrs.Baroda heard footsteps coming from the direction of the barn; she knew it was Gouvernail. She hoped to remain unnoticed, but her white gown revealed her to him. He seated himself upon the bench beside her, without a suspicion that she might object to his presence.

\"Your husband told me to bring this to you, Mrs.Baroda,\" he said, handing her a length of sheer white fabric with which she sometimes covered her head and shoulders. She accepted it from him and let it lie in her lap.

He made some routine observations upon the unhealthy effect of the night breeze at that season. Then as his gaze reached out into the darkness, he began to talk.

Gouvernail was in no sense a shy man. His periods of silence were not his basic nature, but the result of moods. When he was sitting there beside Mrs.Baroda, his silence melted for the time.

He talked freely and intimately in a low, hesitating voice that was not unpleasant to hear. He talked of the old college days when he and Gaston had been best friends, of the days of keen ambitions and large intentions. Now, all there was left with him was a desire to be permitted to exist, with now and then a little breath of genuine life, such as he was breathing now.

Her mind only vaguely grasped what he was saying. His words became a meaningless succession of verbs, nouns, adverbs, and adjectives; she only drank in the tones of his voice. She wanted to reach out her hand in the darkness and touch him — which she might have done if she had not been a respectable woman.

The stronger the desire grew to bring herself near him, the further, in fact, did she move away from him. As soon as she could do so without an appearance of

being rude, she pretended to yawn, rose, and left him there alone.

Mrs.Baroda was greatly tempted that night to tell her husband — who was also her friend — of this foolishness that had seized her. But she did not yield to the temptation. Besides being an upright and respectable woman she was also a very sensible one.

When Gaston arose the next morning, his wife had already departed, without even saying farewell. A porter had carried her trunk to the station and she had taken an early morning train to the city. She did not return until Gouvernail was gone from under her roof.

There was some talk of having him back during the summer that followed. That is, Gaston greatly desired it; but this desire yielded to his honorable wife's vigorous opposition.

However, before the year ended, she proposed, wholly from herself, to have Gouvernail visit them again. Her husband was surprised and delighted with the suggestion coming from her.

\"I am glad, my dear, to know that you have finally overcome your dislike for him; truly he did not deserve it.\"

\"Oh,\" she told him, laughingly, after pressing a long, tender kiss upon his lips, \"I have overcome everything! You will see. This time I shall be very nice to him.\"

一个正派女人受到的诱惑

得知丈夫请了他的朋友古韦内尔来种植园小住一两周，巴罗达太太有点不快。

古韦内尔生性沉默，这令巴罗达太太颇为不解。 在一起待了几天，她仍感到对他很陌生。 她只得大部分时间让丈夫陪着客人, 但发现自己不在场几乎并未引起古韦内尔的注意。 而后她执意要陪他散步到磨坊去, 试图打破他这种并非有意的沉默， 但仍不奏效。

\"你的朋友，他什么时候走？\" 有一天她问丈夫，\"我觉得他太讨厌了。\"

\"还不到一周呢，亲爱的。 我真不明白，他并没给你添麻烦呀。\"

\"是没有。他要是真能添点麻烦，我倒喜欢他一些了。真希望他能像别人一样，那样我倒可以做点什么使他过得舒心。\"

加斯顿拉了拉妻子的衣袖，双手搂着她的腰，快乐地望着她那充满困惑的眼睛。

\"你可真让人吃惊，\" 他说，\"我都说不准你什么时候会怎么做。 瞧你对古韦内尔顶真的样子，对他那么大惊小怪，这可是他最不希望的。\"

\"大惊小怪！\" 她急急回道，\"瞎说，你怎么这么说！ 大惊小怪，真是！但你可说过他挺聪明的。\"

\"他是聪明。但工作太多，这可怜的家伙累垮了， 所以我才请他来这儿休息一阵。\"

\"你常说他是个风趣的人，\"太太仍在生气，\"我以为他至少该风趣点。 明早我进城去

试春装。 古韦内尔走了你告诉我。他走之前我就住姑妈家。\"

那晚她独自一人坐在路边橡树下的长凳上， 思绪从未这么乱过，就像头顶飞着的蝙蝠一样，忽东忽西。 她理不出丝毫头绪，只感到有一点很明确：她必须第二天一早就离开这里。

巴罗达太太听到从谷仓那边传来了脚步声，她知道那是古韦内尔。 她不想让他看见自己，但她的白色长袍泄露了踪迹。 他在她身旁的长凳上坐下，丝毫不曾想到她可能会反对他坐在那儿。

\"您丈夫要我把这个带给您，巴罗达太太，\"说着，他递上一块白色纱巾，这是她有时用来做披肩的。 她接了过来，放在腿上。

他照例说了些诸如这个季节的夜风对身体不好之类的话。 后来，望着茫茫夜色，他开始谈了起来。

古韦内尔可不是个腼腆的人。 他的沉默寡言决非天性，而是情绪使然。 坐在巴罗达太太身边，他的沉默暂时消失了。

他以低沉迟缓的嗓音亲切而无拘束地娓娓而谈， 谈他在大学里与加斯顿是好朋友，谈那时曾雄心勃勃，志向高远。 而现在他只求能生存，只是偶尔才体验到一丝真正的生活的气息，就像此刻。

巴罗达太太只是模模糊糊地感到他在说些什么。 他的话变成了一串毫无意义的动词、名词、副词和形容词；她陶醉在他的声音里。 她想在夜色里伸出手去触摸他--要不是个正

派女子，她真会这么做。

她越想靠近他，结果却越往后退。 为使自己不显得失礼，她借机假装打了个哈欠，起身离开了他。

那晚，巴罗达太太很想把自己的一时荒唐告诉丈夫--也是她的朋友，但还是忍住了。 她是个正派体面的女人，也是个非常明智的女人。

第二天早晨加斯顿起床时，妻子已经走了，也没有跟他道别。 脚夫把她的箱子送到火车站，她搭早班车进的城。 直到古韦内尔离开后她才回去。

那年夏天，他们有时会谈到再请古韦内尔来种植园一事。 也就是说，加斯顿很希望这样，但经不住他那品行高洁的妻子的强烈反对。

然而，快到年底时，妻子主动提出邀请古韦内尔再来。 听到妻子的建议，丈夫真是又惊又喜。

\"我真高兴，亲爱的，你终于不再讨厌他了。说真的，他不应该使你觉得讨厌。\"

\"噢，\"她笑着，在他唇上印了长长的温柔的一吻，\"我一切都已经克服了！ 你会看到的，这次我会对他很好。

Charlie Chaplin

He was born in a poor area of south London. He wore his mother's old red stockings cut down for ankle socks. His mother was temporarily declared mad.

Dickens might have created Charlie Chaplin's childhood. But only Charle Chaplin could have created the great comic character of \" the Tramp \who gave his creator permanent fame.

Other countries — France, Italy, Spain, even Japan and Korea — have provided more applause (and profit) where Chaplin is concerned than the land of his birth. Chaplin quit Britain for good in 1913 when he journeyed to America with a group of performers to do his comedy act on the stage where talent scouts recruited him to work for Mack Sennett, the king of Hollywood comedy films.

Sad to say, many English people in the 1920's and 1930's thought Chaplin's Tramp a bit, well, \" crude \". Certainly middle-class audiences did; the working-class audiences were more likely to clap for a character who revolted against authority, using his wicked little cane to trip it up, or aiming the heel of his boot for a well-placed kick at its broad rear. All the same, Chaplin's comic beggar didn't seem all that English or even working class. English tramps didn't sport tiny moustaches, huge pants or tail coats: European leaders and Italian waiters wore things like that. Then again, the Tramp's quick eye for a pretty girl had a coarse way about it that was considered, well, not quite nice by English audiences — that's how foreigners behaved, wasn't it? But for over half of his screen career, Chaplin had no screen voice to confirm his British nationality.

Indeed, it was a headache for Chaplin when he could no longer resist the talking movies and had to find \"the right voice\" for his Tramp. He postponed that day as long as possible: in Modern Times in 1936, the first film in which he was

heard as a singing waiter, he made up a nonsense language which sounded like no known nationality. He later said he imagined the Tramp to be a college-educated gentleman who'd come down in the world. But if he'd been able to speak with an educated accent in those early short comedy movies, it's doubtful if he would have achieved world fame. And the English would have been sure to find it \"odd\". No one was certain whether Chaplin did it on purpose but this helped to bring about his huge success.

He was an immensely talented man, determined to a degree unusual even in the ranks of Hollywood stars. His huge fame gave him the freedom — and, more importantly, the money — to be his own master. He already had the urge to explore and extend a talent he discovered in himself as he went along. \"It can't be me. Is that possible? How extraordinary,\" is how he greeted the first sight of himself as the Tramp on the screen.

But that shock roused his imagination. Chaplin didn't have his jokes written into a script in advance; he was the kind of comic who used his physical senses to invent his art as he went along. Lifeless objects especially helped Chaplin make \"contact\" with himself as an artist. He turned them into other kinds of objects. Thus, a broken alarm clock in the movie The Pawnbroker became a \"sick\" patient undergoing surgery; boots were boiled in his film The Gold Rush and their soles eaten with salt and pepper like prime cuts of fish (the nails being removed like fish bones). This physical transformation, plus the skill with which he executed it again and again, are surely the secrets of Chaplin's great comedy.

He also had a deep need to be loved — and a corresponding fear of being betrayed. The two were hard to combine and sometimes — as in his early marriages — the collision between them resulted in disaster. Yet even this painfully-bought self-knowledge found its way into his comic creations. The Tramp never loses his faith in the flower girl who'll be waiting to walk into the sunset with him; while the other side of Chaplin makes Monsieur Verdoux, the French wife killer, into a symbol of hatred for women.

It's a relief to know that life eventually gave Charlie Chaplin the stable happiness it had earlier denied him. In Oona O'Neill Chaplin, he found a partner whose stability and affection spanned the 37 years age difference between them that had seemed so threatening that when the official who was marrying them in 1942, turned to the beautiful girl of 17 who'd given notice of their wedding date and said, \"And where is the young man?\" — Chaplin, then 54, had cautiously waited outside. As Oona herself was the child of a large family with its own problems, she was well-prepared for the battle that Chaplin's life became as unfounded rumors of Marxist sympathies surrounded them both — and, later on, she was the center of rest in the quarrels that Chaplin sometimes sparked in their own large family of talented children.

Chaplin died on Christmas Day 1977. A few months later, a couple of almost comic body-thieves stole his body from the family burial chamber and held it for money: the police recovered it with more efficiency than Mack Sennett's clumsy Keystone Cops would have done. But one can't help feeling Chaplin would have regarded this strange incident as a fitting memorial — his way of having the last

laugh on a world to which he had given so many.

查理·卓别林

他出生在伦敦南部的一个贫困地区， 他所穿的短袜是从妈妈的红色长袜上剪下来的。 他妈妈一度被诊断为精神失常。 狄更斯或许会创作出查理·卓别林的童年故事， 但只有查理·卓别林才能塑造出了不起的喜剧角色\"流浪者\"，这个使其创作者声名永驻的衣衫褴褛的小人物。

就卓别林而言，其他国家，如法国、意大利、西班牙，甚至日本和朝鲜，比他的出生地给予了他更多的掌声（和更多的收益）。 卓别林在1913年永久地离开了英国，与一些演员一起启程到美国进行舞台喜剧表演。 在那里，他被星探招募到好莱坞喜剧片之王麦克·塞纳特的旗下工作。

3不幸的是，20世纪二三十年代的很多英国人认为卓别林的\"流浪者\"多少有点\"粗俗\"。 中产阶级当然这样认为；劳动阶级倒更有可能为这样一个反抗权势的角色拍手喝彩： 他以顽皮的小拐杖使绊子，或把皮靴后跟对准权势者宽大的臀部一踢。 尽管如此，卓别林的喜剧乞丐形象并不那么像英国人，甚至也不像劳动阶级的人。 英国流浪者并不留小胡子，也不穿肥大的裤子或燕尾服： 欧洲的领导人和意大利的侍者才那样穿戴。 另外，流浪汉瞟着漂亮女孩的眼神也有些粗俗，被英国观众认为不太正派——只有外国人才那样，不是吗？ 而在卓别林大半的银幕生涯中，银幕上的他是不出声的，也就无法证明他是英国人。

4事实上，当卓别林再也无法抵制有声电影，不得不为他的流浪者找\"合适的声音\"时，那确实令他头痛。 他尽可能地推迟那一天的到来： 1936的《摩登时代》是第一部他在影片里发声唱歌的电影，他扮演一名侍者，操着编造的胡言乱语，听起来不像任何国家的语

言。 后来他说，他想像中的流浪汉是一位受过大学教育，但已经家道败落的绅士。 但假如他在早期那些短小喜剧电影中能操一口受过教育的人的口音，那么他是否会闻名世界就值得怀疑了， 而英国人也肯定会觉得这很\"古怪\"。 虽然没有人知道卓别林这么干是不是有意的，但是这促使他获得了巨大的成功。

5他是一个有巨大才能的人，他的决心之大甚至在好莱坞明星中也是十分少见的。 他的巨大名声为他带来了自由，更重要的是带来了财富，他因此得以成为自己的主人。 随着事业的发展，他感到了一种冲动要去发掘并扩展自己身上所显露的天才。 当他第一次在银幕上看到自己扮演的流浪汉时，他说：\"这不可能是我。那可能吗？瞧这角色多么与众不同啊！\"

而这种吃惊唤起了他的想像。 卓别林并没有把他的笑料事先写成文字。 他是那种边表演边根据身体感觉去创造艺术的喜剧演员。 没有生命的物体特别有助于卓别林发挥自己艺术家的天赋。 他会将这些物体发挥成其他东西。 因此，在《当铺老板》中，一个坏闹钟变成了正在接受手术的\"病人\"；在《淘金记》中，靴子被煮熟，靴底蘸着盐和胡椒被吃掉，就像上好的鱼片（鞋钉就像鱼骨那样被剔除）。 这种对具体事物的发挥转化，以及他一次又一次做出这种转化的技巧，正是卓别林伟大喜剧的奥秘。

他也深切地渴望被爱，同时相应地害怕遭到背叛。 这两者很难结合在一起，有时这种冲突导致了灾难，就像他早期的几次婚姻那样。 然而即使是这种以沉重代价换来的自知之明也在他的喜剧创作中得到了表现。 流浪汉始终没有失去对卖花女的信心，相信她正等待着与自己共同走进夕阳之中； 而卓别林的另一面使他的《凡尔杜先生》，一个杀了妻子的法国人，成为了仇恨女人的象征。

令人宽慰的是，生活最终把他先前没能获得的稳定的幸福给了卓别林。 他找到了沃

娜·奥尼尔·卓别林这个伴侣。她的稳定和深情跨越了他们之间37岁的年龄差距。他们的年龄差别太大，以致当1942年他们要结婚时，新娘公布了他们的结婚日期后，为他们办理手续的问这位漂亮的17岁姑娘： \"那年轻人在哪儿？\" ——当时已经54岁的卓别林一直小心翼翼地在外面等候着。 由于沃娜本人出生在一个被各种麻烦困扰的大家庭，她对卓别林生活中将面临的挑战也做好了充分准备，因为当时有毫无根据的流言说他俩是马克思主义的同情者。 后来在他们自己的有那么多天才孩子的大家庭中，卓别林有时会引发争吵，而她则成了安宁的中心。

卓别林死于1977年圣诞节。 几个月后，几个近乎可笑的盗尸者从他的家庭墓室盗走了他的尸体以借此诈钱。警方追回了他的尸体，其效率比麦克·塞纳特拍摄的启斯东喜剧片中的笨拙要高得多。 但是人们不禁会感到，卓别林一定会把这一奇怪的事件看作是对他的十分恰当的纪念——他以这种方式给这个自己曾带来这么多笑声的世界留下最后的笑声。

Longing for a New Welfare System

A welfare client is supposed to cheat. Everybody expects it. Faced with sharing a dinner of raw pet food with the cat, many people in wheelchairs I know bleed the system for a few extra dollars. They tell the government that they are getting two hundred dollars less than their real pension so they can get a little extra welfare money. Or, they tell the caseworker that the landlord raised the rent by a hundred dollars.

I have opted to live a life of complete honesty. So instead, I go out and drum up some business and draw cartoons. I even tell welfare how much I make! Oh, I'm

tempted to get paid under the table. But even if I yielded to that temptation, big magazines are not going to get involved in some sticky situation. They keep my records, and that information goes right into the government's computer. Very high- profile.

As a welfare client I'm expected to bow before the caseworker. Deep down, caseworkers know that they are being made fools of by many of their clients, and they feel they are entitled to have clients bow to them as compensation. I'm not being bitter. Most caseworkers begin as college-educated liberals with high ideals. But after a few years in a system that practically requires people to lie, they become like the one I shall call \"Suzanne\

Not long after Christmas last year, Suzanne came to inspect my apartment and saw some new posters pasted on the wall. \"Where'd you get the money for those?\" she wanted to know.

\"Friends and family.\"

\"Well, you'd better have a receipt for it, by God. You have to report any donations or gifts.\"

This was my cue to beg. Instead, I talked back. \"I got a cigarette from somebody on the street the other day. Do I have to report that?\"

\"Well I'm sorry, but I don't make the rules, Mr. Callahan.\"

Suzanne tries to lecture me about repairs to my wheelchair, which is always breaking down because welfare won't spend the money maintaining it properly. \"You know, Mr. Callahan, I've heard that you put a lot more miles on that wheelchair than average.\"

Of course I do. I'm an active worker, not a vegetable. I live near downtown, so I can get around in a wheelchair. I wonder what she'd think if she suddenly broke her hip and had to crawl to work.

Government cuts in welfare have resulted in hunger and suffering for a lot of people, not just me. But people with spinal cord injuries felt the cuts in a unique way: The government stopped taking care of our chairs. Each time mine broke down, lost a screw, needed a new roller bearing, the brake wouldn't work, etc., and I called Suzanne, I had to endure a little lecture. Finally, she'd say, \"Well, if I can find time today, I'll call the medical worker.\"

She was supposed to notify the medical worker, who would certify that there was a problem. Then the medical worker called the wheelchair repair companies to get the cheapest bid. Then the medical worker alerted the main welfare office at the state capital. They considered the matter for days while I lay in bed, unable to move. Finally, if I was lucky, they called back and approved the repair.

When welfare learned I was making money on my cartoons, Suzanne started \"visiting\" every fortnight instead of every two months. She looked into every corner in search of unreported appliances, or maids, or a roast pig in the oven, or a

new helicopter parked out back. She never found anything, but there was always a thick pile of forms to fill out at the end of each visit, accounting for every penny.

There is no provision in the law for a gradual shift away from welfare. I am an independent businessman, slowly building up my market. It's impossible to jump off welfare and suddenly be making two thousand dollars a month. But I would love to be able to pay for some of my living and not have to go through an embarrassing situation every time I need a spare part for my wheelchair.

There needs to be a lawyer who can act as a champion for the rights of welfare clients, because the system so easily lends itself to abuse by the welfare givers as well as by the clients. Welfare sent Suzanne to look around in my apartment the other day because the chemist said I was using a larger than usual amount of medical supplies. I was, indeed: the hole that has been surgically cut to drain urine had changed size and the connection to my urine bag was leaking.

While she was taking notes, my phone rang and Suzanne answered it. The caller was a state senator, which scared Suzanne a little. Would I sit on the governor's committee and try to do something about the thousands of welfare clients who, like me, could earn part or all of their own livings if they were allowed to do so, one step at a time?

Hell, yes, I would! Someday people like me will thrive under a new system that will encourage them, not seek to convict them of cheating. They will be free to develop their talents without guilt or fear — or just hold a good, steady job.

渴望新的福利救济制度

人人都觉得福利救济对象是在骗人。 我认识的许多坐轮椅的人面临与宠物猫分吃生猫食的窘境，都会向福利机构多榨取几美元。 为了能领到一点额外的福利款，他们告诉说他们实际上少拿了200美元的养老金， 或告诉社会工作者，说房东又提高了100美元的房租。

我选择了过一种完全诚实的生活，因此我不会那样做，而是四处找活，揽些画漫画的活。 我甚至还告诉福利机构我赚了多少钱！ 噢，私下里领一笔钱当然对我也挺有吸引力， 但即使我抗不住这种诱惑，我投稿的那些大杂志也不会去给自己惹麻烦。 他们会保留我的记录，而这些记录会直接进入的电脑。 真是态度鲜明，毫不含糊。

作为一名福利救济对象，我必须在社会工作者面前卑躬屈膝。 社会工作者心里知道许多救济对象在欺骗他们，因此他们觉得，作为补偿，他们有权让救济对象向他们点头哈腰。 我并不是故意感到忿忿不平。 大多数社会工作者刚开始时都是些大学毕业生，有理想，而且思想开明。 可是在这个实际上是要人撒谎的系统里干了几年后，他们就变得与那个叫苏珊娜的人一样了--一个穿运动短裤的侦探。

去年圣诞节，苏珊娜到我家来了解情况，看到墙上贴着新的宣传画， 便问：\"你从哪儿弄到钱来买这些？\"

\"朋友和家人。\"

\"那么，你最好要张收据，真的， 你接受任何捐献或礼物都要报告。\"

她这是在暗示我：得哀求她了。但是我却将她顶了回去。\" 那天在马路上有人给我一根烟，我也得报告吗？\"

\"对不起，卡拉汉先生，可是规定不是我制订的。\"

苏珊娜试图就修理轮椅的问题训斥我。由于福利部门不愿意花钱好好地修理，所以它总是坏。 \"您是知道的，卡拉汉先生，我听说您的那台轮椅比一般人用得多得多。\"

我当然用得多，我是个工作很积极的人，又不是植物人。 我住在闹市区附近，可以坐着轮椅到处走走。 我真想知道如果她突然摔坏臀部，不得不爬着去上班时，是什么感受。

削减福利开支已经导致许多人挨饿受苦，我只是其中之一。 但这种削减对脊柱伤残的人士更有特别的影响： 已经不管我们的轮椅了。 每次我的轮椅坏了，掉了螺丝，需要换轴承，或刹车不灵等，我都打电话给苏珊娜，但每次都要挨训。 她最后总会说：好吧，如果今天我能抽出时间的话，我会找医务人员的。

她该通知医务人员，由他来证明问题确实存在， 然后打电话给各家轮椅维修公司，拿到最低的报价。 接着医务人员就通知州府的福利总部， 他们再花几天时间考虑这件事。而这期间我只能躺在床上，动弹不得。 最后，如果我幸运的话，他们会给我回电话，同意维修。

当福利部门获悉我画漫画赚钱时，苏珊娜就开始每两个星期\"拜访\"我一次，而不是每两个月才一次了。 她寻遍每个角落，想找出我未上报的电器，或者是女仆、烤炉里的烤猪、停在房后新买的直升飞机什么的。 她从来都是一无所获，但最后我总要填厚厚的一叠表格，说明每一分钱的来历。

如何逐渐脱离福利照顾，这在法律条款中没有明确规定。 我是一个的生意人，正在慢慢建立起自己的市场。 要脱离福利救济，一下子做到每月能挣2, 000美元是不可能的。 但我很想自己负担部分生活费用，不必在每次需要为轮椅买点配件时都去尴尬地求人。

真需要有一位律师来捍卫福利救济对象的权利，因为这一福利不仅容易使救济对象滥用权力，也很容易使福利提供者滥用权力。 前几天，由于药剂师说我使用的医疗用品超出常量，于是福利部门派苏珊娜到我的住所调查。 我确实多用了，因为外科手术所造的排尿孔的大小改变了，于是尿袋的连接处发生渗漏。

她正做着记录，我家的电话铃响了。苏珊娜接听了电话， 是一位州议员打来的，这使她慌了一下。 数以千计像我这样的福利救济对象，如果允许的话，可以慢慢地负担自己的一部分甚至全部生活费用，对此，我会不会在州的委员会里尝试做点儿什么呢？

还用说吗？我当然会！ 总有一天，像我这样的福利救济对象将在一种新的福利制度下过上好日子，这种制度不是要千方百计证明福利救济对象在欺骗，而是要鼓励他们自立。 他们将能自由地、毫无愧疚、毫不担忧地发挥他们的才干，或拥有一份稳定的好工作。

The Telecommunications Revolution

A transformation is occurring that should greatly boost living standards in the developing world. Places that until recently were deaf and dumb are rapidly acquiring up-to-date telecommunications that will let them promote both internal and foreign investment. It may take a decade for many countries in Asia, Latin America, and Eastern Europe to improve transportation, power supplies, and other utilities. But a single optical fiber with a diameter of less than half a millimeter can

carry more information than a large cable made of copper wires. By installing optical fiber, digital switches, and the latest wireless transmission systems, a parade of urban centers and industrial zones from Beijing to Budapest are stepping directly into the Information Age. A spider's web of digital and wireless communication links is already reaching most of Asia and parts of Eastern Europe.

All these developing regions see advanced communications as a way to leap over whole stages of economic development. Widespread access to information technologies, for example, promises to condense the time required to change from labor- intensive assembly work to industries that involve engineering, marketing, and design. Modern communications \"will give countries like China and Vietnam a huge advantage over countries stuck with old technology\".

How fast these nations should push ahead is a matter of debate. Many experts think Vietnam is going too far by requiring that all mobile phones be expensive digital models, when it is desperate for any phones, period. \"These countries lack experience in weighing costs and choosing between technologies,\" says one expert.

Still, there's little dispute that communications will be a key factor separating the winners from the losers. Consider Russia. Because of its strong educational system in mathematics and science, it should thrive in the information age. The problem is its national phone system is a rusting antique that dates from the l930s. To lick this problem, Russia is starting to install optical fiber and has a strategic plan to pump $40 billion into various communications projects. But its economy is

stuck in recession and it barely has the money to even scratch the surface of the problem.

Compare that with the mainland of China. Over the next decade, it plans to pour some $100 billion into telecommunications equipment. In a way, China's backwardness is an advantage, because the expansion occurs just as new technologies are becoming cheaper than copper wire systems. By the end of 1995, each of China's provincial capitals except for Tibet will have digital switches and high-capacity optical fiber links. This means that major cities are getting the basic infrastructure to become major parts of the information superhighway, allowing people to log on to the most advanced services available.

Telecommunications is also a key to Shanghai's dream of becoming a top financial center. To offer peak performance in providing the electronic data and paperless trading global investors expect, Shanghai plans telecommunications networks as powerful as those in Manhattan.

Meanwhile, Hungary also hopes to jump into the modern world. Currently, 700,000 Hungarians are waiting for phones. To partially overcome the problem of funds and to speed the import of Western technology, Hungary sold a 30% stake in its national phone company to two Western companies. To further reduce the waiting list for phones, Hungary has leased rights to a Dutch -Scandinavian group of companies to build and operate what it says will be one of the most advanced digital mobile phone systems in the world. In fact, wireless is one of the most popular ways to get a phone system up fast in developing countries. It's cheaper to

build radio towers than to string lines across mountain ridges, and businesses eager for reliable service are willing to accept a significantly higher price tag for a wireless call — the fee is typically two to four times as much as for calls made over fixed lines.

Wireless demand and usage have also exploded across the entire width and breadth of Latin America. For wireless phone service providers, nowhere is business better than in Latin America — having an operation there is like having an endless pile of money at your disposal. BellSouth Corporation, with operations in four wireless markets, estimates its annual revenue per average customer at about $2,000 as compared to $860 in the United States. That's partly because Latin American customers talk two to four times as long on the phone as people in North America.

Thailand is also turning to wireless, as a way to allow Thais to make better use of all the time they spend stuck in traffic. And it isn't that easy to call or fax from the office: the waiting list for phone lines has from one to two million names on it. So mobile phones have become the rage among businesspeople, who can remain in contact despite the traffic jams.

Vietnam is making one of the boldest leaps. Despite a per person income of just $220 a year, all of the 300,000 lines Vietnam plans to add annually will be optical fiber with digital switching, rather than cheaper systems that send electrons over copper wires. By going for next-generation technology now, Vietnamese telecommunications officials say they'll be able to keep pace with

anyone in Asia for decades.

For countries that have lagged behind for so long, the temptation to move ahead in one jump is hard to resist. And despite the mistakes they'll make, they'll persist — so that one day they can cruise alongside Americans and Western Europeans on the information superhighway.

电信

1 一个将会大大提高发展中国家生活水准的转变正方兴未艾。 一些不久前还是信息闭塞的地方正在快速获得最新的通信技术，这将促进当地对国内外投资的吸纳。 亚洲、拉丁美洲和东欧的许多国家也许需要10年的时间来改善其交通、电力供应和其他公用设施。 但是单单一根直径小于半毫米的光纤电缆就可以比由铜丝制成的粗电缆负载更多的信息。 由于安装了光纤电缆、数字转换器和最新的无线传输系统，从北京到布达佩斯的一系列城区和工业区正在直接跨入信息时代。 一个蛛网般的数字和无线通信网络已经伸展到亚洲的大部分地区和东欧的部分地区。

2 所有这些发展中地区都把先进的通信技术看作一种能跨越经济发展诸阶段的方法。 例如，信息技术的广泛应用有望缩短从劳动密集型的组装工业转向涉及工程、营销、设计等产业所需的时间。 现代通信技术将使像中国、越南那样的国家与那些困于旧技术的国家相比拥有巨大的优势。

这些国家应以多快的速度向前发展是人们争论的一个问题。 许多专家认为，越南在目前急需电话的情况下，却要求所有的移动电话都必须是昂贵的数字型电话的做法就是太超前了。 一位专家说，\"这些国家缺乏估算成本和选择技术的经验。\"

然而毋庸争辩，通信技术将是区分赢家和输家的关键因素。 看一看俄罗斯的情况吧。 由于其坚实的数学和科学教育基础，它应该在信息时代有繁荣的发展。 问题是，它的国内电话系统是一堆生了锈的20世纪30年代的老古董。 为了解决这一问题，已经开始铺设光纤电缆，并制定了投入400亿美元建设多种通信工程的战略计划。 但是由于其经济陷于低迷，几乎没有资金来着手解决最基本的问题。

与相比，在未来10年中，中国计划对通信设备投入1,000亿美元。 从某种意义上说，中国的落后成了一种有利因素，因为这一发展正好发生在新技术比铜线电缆系统更便宜的时候。 到1995年底，中国除了以外的省会都将有数字转换器和高容量的光纤网。 这意味着其主要城市正获得必需的基础设施，成为信息高速公路的主要部分，使人们能够进入系统，获得最先进的服务。

通信工程也是上海实现其成为一流金融中心这一梦想的关键。 为了能给国际投资者提供其所期望的电子数据和无纸化交易的出色服务，上海计划建设与曼哈顿的网络同样强大的远程通信网络。

与此同时，匈牙利也希望跃入互联网世界。 目前有70万匈牙利人等着装电话。 为了部分地解决资金问题, 加速输入西方技术，匈牙利将国有电话公司30%的股权出售给了两家西方公司。 为进一步减少电话待装户，匈牙利已将权利出租给一家荷兰-斯堪的纳维亚企业集团，来建造并经营一个据说是世界上最先进的数字移动电话系统。 事实上，无线方式是在发展中国家快速建起电话系统的最受欢迎的方式之一。 建造无线电发射塔要比翻山越岭架设线路更便宜。 而且，急切想得到可靠服务的企业乐于花费可观的高价来换取无线电话--通常是固定线路电话资费的二至四倍。

整个拉丁美洲对无线通信的需求和使用已急速增加。 对于无线电话服务商来说，没有

任何地方的业务比拉丁美洲更好了--在那里有一个营运点就好像有一堆无穷无尽供你使用的钞票。 在四个无线电话市场有营运点的贝尔南方电话公司估计它的年收入约为平均每个客户2,000美元，与之相比，在美国国内的收入是860美元。 产生这种情况的部分原因是拉丁美洲客户的通话时间是北美洲人的二至四倍。

泰国也在求助于无线通信方式，以便让泰国人在发生交通堵塞的时候更好地利用时间。 而且在泰国，从办公室往外打电话或发传真并不那么容易：待装电话的名单上有一、二百万个名字。 因此移动电话在商界成为时尚，使人们在交通堵塞时也能与外界保持联系。

越南正在做出一个最大胆的跳跃。 尽管越南人均年收入只有220美元，它计划每年增加的30万条线路将全部为有数字转换的光纤电缆，而不是那些以铜线传送电子信号的廉价系统。 由于现在就选用了下一代的技术，越南负责通信的说他们能够在数十年中与亚洲的任何一个国家保持同步。

对于那些长期落后的国家来说，一跃而名列前茅的诱惑难以抵御。 而且，尽管他们会犯错误，他们仍会坚持不懈--总有一天，他们将能在信息高速公路上与美国和西欧并驾齐驱。

Choose to Be Alone on Purpose

Here we are, all by ourselves, all 22 million of us by recent count, alone in our rooms, some of us liking it that way and some of us not. Some of us divorced, some widowed, some never yet committed.

Loneliness may be a sort of national disease here, and it's more embarrassing

for us to admit than any other sin. On the other hand, to be alone on purpose, having rejected company rather than been cast out by it, is one characteristic of an American hero. The solitary hunter or explorer needs no one as they venture out among the deer and wolves to tame the great wild areas. Thoreau, alone in his cabin on the pond, his back deliberately turned to the town. Now, that's character for you.

Inspiration in solitude is a major commodity for poets and philosophers. They're all for it. They all speak highly of themselves for seeking it out, at least for an hour or even two before they hurry home for tea.

Consider Dorothy Wordsworth, for instance, helping her brother William put on his coat, finding his notebook and pencil for him, and waving as he sets forth into the early spring sunlight to look at flowers all by himself. “How graceful, how benign, is solitude,” he wrote.

No doubt about it, solitude is improved by being voluntary.

Look at Milton's daughters arranging his cushions and blankets before they silently creep away, so he can create poetry. Then, rather than trouble to put it in his own handwriting, he calls the girls to come back and write it down while he dictates.

You may have noticed that most of these artistic types went outdoors to be alone. The indoors was full of loved ones keeping the kettle warm till they came

home.

The American high priest of solitude was Thoreau. We admire him, not for his self-reliance, but because he was all by himself out there at Walden Pond, and he wanted to be. All alone in the woods.

Actually, he lived a mile, or 20 minutes' walk, from his nearest neighbor; half a mile from the railroad; three hundred yards from a busy road. He had company in and out of the hut all day, asking him how he could possibly be so noble. Apparently the main point of his nobility was that he had neither wife nor servants, used his own axe to chop his own wood, and washed his own cups and saucers. I don't know who did his laundry; he doesn't say, but he certainly doesn't mention doing his own, either. Listen to him: “I never found the companion that was so companionable as solitude.”

Thoreau had his own self-importance for company. Perhaps there's a message here. The larger the ego, the less the need for other egos around. The more modest and humble we feel, the more we suffer from solitude, feeling ourselves inadequate company.

If you live with other people, their temporary absence can be refreshing. Solitude will end on Thursday. If today I use a singular personal pronoun to refer to myself, next week I will use the plural form. While the others are absent you can stretch out your soul until it fills up the whole room, and use your freedom, coming and going as you please without apology, staying up late to read, soaking

in the bath, eating a whole pint of ice cream at one sitting, moving at your own pace. Those absent will be back. Their waterproof winter coats are in the closet and the dog keeps watching for them at the window. But when you live alone, the temporary absence of your friends and acquaintances leaves a vacuum; they may never come back.

The condition of loneliness rises and falls, but the need to talk goes on forever. It's more basic than needing to listen. Oh, we all have friends we can tell important things to, people we can call to say we lost our job or fell on a slippery floor and broke our arm. It's the daily succession of small complaints and observations and opinions that backs up and chokes us. We can't really call a friend to say we got a parcel from our sister, or it's getting dark earlier now, or we don't trust that new Supreme Court justice.

Scientific surveys show that we who live alone talk at length to ourselves and our pets and the television. We ask the cat whether we should wear the blue suit or the yellow dress. We ask the parrot if we should prepare steak, or noodles for dinner. We argue with ourselves over who is the greater sportsman: that figure skater or this skier. There's nothing wrong with this. It's good for us, and a lot less embarrassing than the woman in front of us in line at the market who's telling the cashier that her niece Melissa may be coming to visit on Saturday, and Melissa is very fond of hot chocolate, which is why she bought the powdered hot chocolate mix, though she never drinks it herself.

It's important to stay rational.

It's important to stop waiting and settle down and make ourselves comfortable, at least temporarily, and find some grace and pleasure in our condition, not like a self-centered British poet but like a patient princess sealed up in a tower, waiting for the happy ending to our fairy tale.

After all, here we are. It may not be where we expected to be, but for the time being we might as well call it home. Anyway, there is no place like home.

有意选择独处

事实如此，我们孤独无伴地生活着。据最近的统计，共有2,200万人独自生活在自己的屋里。其中有些人喜欢这种生活，有些却不是。 有些离了婚，有些鳏寡无伴，也有些从未结过婚。

孤独或许是这里的一种民族弊病，它比起其他任何过错更加令人难以启齿。 而另一方面，故意选择独处，拒绝别人的陪伴而非为同伴所抛弃，这正美国式英雄的一个特点。 孤独的猎人，孤独的探险者，在鹿群和狼群中间冒险，去征服广袤的荒野，这时他们并不需要有人陪伴。 梭罗独居在湖畔的小屋，有意抛弃了城市生活。 现在，这成了你的个性。

独处的灵感是诗人和哲学家最有用的东西。 他们都赞成独处，都因能够独处而自视甚高，至少在他们匆匆忙忙赶回家喝茶之前的一两个小时之内是如此。

就拿多萝西·华兹华斯来说吧，她帮她兄弟威廉穿上外衣，为他找到笔记本和铅笔，向他挥手告别，目送着他走进早春的阳光去独自对花沉思。 他写道：\"独处多么优闲, 美妙。\"

毫无疑问，如果自愿独处，则感觉要好得多。

瞧瞧弥尔顿的女儿们：她们为他准备好垫子和毯子，然后蹑手蹑脚地走开，以便他能创作诗歌。 然而他并不自己费神将诗歌写下来，而是唤回女儿们，向她们口述，由她们写下来。

也许你已经注意到，这些艺术家类型的人，大多是到户外独处， 而家里则自有亲人们备好了热茶，等着他们回家。

美国的独处高士是梭罗。 我们钦佩他，并非因为他倡导自力更生精神，而是因为他孤身一人在瓦尔登湖畔生活，这是他自己想要这么做的。 他独居在湖畔的树林中。

实际上，他最近的邻居离他只有一英里，走路也就20分钟；铁路离他半英里；交通繁忙的大路距他300码。 整天都有人进出他的小屋，请教他何以能够如此高洁。 显然，他的高洁之处主要在于：他既没有妻子也没有仆人，自己动手用斧头砍柴，自己洗杯碟。 我不知道谁为他洗衣服，他没说，但是他也肯定没提到是他自己洗的。 听听他是这么说的：\"我发现没有任何同伴比独处更好。\"

梭罗以自尊自重为伴。 也许这里的启示是： 自我意识越强，就越不需要其他的人在周围。 我们越是感觉谦卑，就越受孤独的折磨，感到仅与自己相处远远不够。

若与别人同住，你会在与他们小别时感觉耳目一新。 孤独将会于星期四结束。 如果今天我提到自己时使用的是单数人称代词，那么下星期我就会使用复数形式。 其他人不在的时候你可以放飞你的灵魂，让它充满整个房间。 你可以充分享受自由。你可以随意来去而无需道歉。 你可以熬夜读书、大泡浴缸、坐下一口气吃掉整整一品脱的雪糕。你可以按

自己的节奏行动。 暂别的人会回来。 他们的冬季防水大衣还放在衣橱里，狗也在窗边密切留意他们归来的身影。 但如果你单独居住，那么朋友或熟人的暂时离别会使你感到空虚，也许他们永远也不会回来了。

12 孤独的感觉时起时落，但我们却永远需要与人交谈。 这比需要倾听更重要。 噢，我们都有朋友，可以把大事要事向他们倾诉。我们可以打电话对他们说我们丢了工作，或者说我们在湿滑的地板上摔倒了，跌断了胳膊。 但是每日不断发生的琐碎抱怨，看到的和想到的琐事，却积在那儿，塞满了我们的心。 我们不会真打电话给一位朋友，告诉他我们收到了姐姐的一个包裹，或者说现在天黑得比较早，或者说我们不信任最高新来的法官。

13科学调查表明，独居的人会对着自己，对着宠物，对着电视机唠叨不休。 我们问猫儿今天该穿蓝色套装还是黄色裙装， 问鹦鹉今天晚餐该做牛排还是面条。 我们跟自己争论那个花样滑冰选手和这个滑雪运动员到底谁更了不起。 这没什么不妥，也对我们有好处，而且不像有些人那么令人尴尬：在超市付款处，排在前面的女人告诉收银员，她的侄女梅莉莎星期六可能会来看她。 梅莉莎非常喜爱热巧克力，所以她买了速溶热巧克力粉，虽然她自己从来不喝这东西。

重要的是保持理性。

重要的是不再等待，而是安顿下来，使自己过得舒服，至少暂时要这样。 要在我们自身的条件下发现一些优雅和乐趣，不要做一个以自我为中心的英国诗人，而要像一个被关在塔楼里的公主，耐心地等待着我们的童话故事进入快乐的结局。

毕竟，事已至此，这或许不是我们所期望的局面，但眼下我们不妨称之为家吧。 不管

怎么说, 没有什么地方比家还好。

Bribery and Business Ethics

Students taking business courses are sometimes a little surprised to find that classes on business ethics have been included in their schedule. They often do not realize that bribery in various forms is on the increase in many countries and, in some, has been a way of life for centuries.

Suppose that during a negotiation with some government officials, the Minister of Trade makes it clear to you that if you offer him a substantial bribe, you will find it much easier to get an import license for your goods, and you are also likely to avoid \"procedural delays\up or stand by your principles?

It is easy to talk about having high moral standards but, in practice, what would one really do in such a situation? Some time ago a British car manufacturer was accused of operating a fund to pay bribes, and of other questionable practices such as paying agents and purchasers an exaggerated commission, offering additional discounts, and making payments to numbered bank accounts in Switzerland. The company rejected these charges and they were later withdrawn. Nevertheless, at that time, there were people in the motor industry in Britain who were prepared to say in private: \"Look, we're in a very competitive business. Every year we're selling more than a ￡ 1,000 million worth of cars abroad. If we spend a few million pounds to keep some of the buyers happy, who's hurt? If we didn't do it,

someone else would.\"

It is difficult to resist the impression that bribery and other questionable payments are on the increase. Indeed, they seem to have become a fact of commercial life. To take just one example, the Chrysler Corporation, third largest of the U.S. car manufacturers, revealed that it made questionable payments of more than $2.5 million between 1971 and 1976. By announcing this, it joined more than 300 other U.S. companies that had admitted to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission that they had made payments of one kind or another — bribes, extra discounts, etc. — in recent years. For discussion purposes, we can divide these payments into three broad categories.

The first category consists of substantial payments made for political purposes or to secure major contracts. For example, one U.S. corporation offered a large sum of money in support of a U.S. presidential candidate at a time when the company was under investigation for possible violations of U. S. business laws. This same company, it was revealed, was ready to finance secret U.S. efforts to throw out the government of Chile.

In this category, we may also include large payments made to ruling families or their close advisers in order to secure arms sales or major petroleum or construction contracts. In a court case involving an arms deal with Iran, a witness claimed that ￡ 1 million had been paid by a British company to a \"negotiator\" who helped close a deal for the supply of tanks and other military equipment to that country. Other countries have also been known to put pressure on foreign

companies to make donations to party bank accounts.

The second category covers payments made to obtain quicker official approval of some project, to speed up the wheels of government. An interesting example of this kind of payment is provided by the story of a sales manager who had been trying for some months to sell road machinery to the Minister of Works of a Caribbean country. Finally, he hit upon the answer. Discovering that the minister collected rare books, he bought a rare edition of a book, slipped $20,000 within its pages, then presented it to the minister. This man examined its contents, then said: \"I understand there is a two-volume edition of this work.\" The sales manager, who was quick-witted, replied: \"My company cannot afford a two-volume edition, sir, but we could offer you a copy with a preface!\" A short time later, the deal was approved.

The third category involves payments made in countries where it is traditional to pay people to help with the passage of a business deal. Some Middle East countries would be included on this list, as well as certain Asian countries.

Is it possible to devise a code of rules for companies that would prohibit bribery in all its forms? The International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) favors a code of conduct that would ban the giving and seeking of bribes. This code would try to distinguish between commissions paid for real services and exaggerated fees that really amount to bribes. A council has been proposed to manage the code.

Unfortunately, opinions differ among members of the ICC concerning how to enforce the code. The British members would like the system to have enough legal power to make companies behave themselves. However, the French delegates think it is the business of governments to make and impose law; the job of a business community like the ICC is to say what is right and wrong, but not to impose anything.

In a well-known British newspaper, a writer argued recently that \"industry is caught in a web of bribery\" and that everyone is \"on the take\";. This is probably an exaggeration. However, today's businessman, selling in overseas markets, will frequently meet situations where it is difficult to square his business interests with his moral conscience.

贿赂与商业道德

商科学生有时对课程里包括商业道德课略感吃惊。 他们通常没意识到在很多国家，形形色色的贿赂行为正日益增多。 在某些国家，这已成为人们几百年来的生活方式。

假定在一场与的谈判中，贸易向你明确表示如能给他一大笔贿赂，拿到进口许可证就会容易得多，还可能避免他所说的\"程序上的延误\" 。 现在的问题是：你是被迫掏钱呢，还是坚持原则？

高尚的道德标准说起来容易，但实际上人们在这种情况下究竟会怎么做呢？ 早些时候，一家英国汽车制造商被指控经管一笔基金行贿，还有其他一些可疑运作，如给代理商和客户高额回扣、提供额外折扣、向一些在瑞士银行开的匿名账户汇款等。 这家汽车公司

否认了这些指控，后来也就撤诉了。 然而，当时英国汽车业里就有人私下里说： \"瞧，我们这一行竞争激烈，每年我们汽车的海外销售额超过10亿英镑。 如果花几百万英镑能让客户高兴，谁会有损失呢？ 我们不这样干，别人也会干的。\"

很容易产生这样的印象：贿赂以及其他可疑开支正日渐增多。 的确，这似乎已成为商界的一个事实。 仅举一例：美国第三大汽车制造企业克莱斯勒汽车公司透露，它在1971至1976年间共发生了250万美元的可疑开支。 这一事实的披露，使克莱斯勒与其他300多家美国公司一样，向美国证券交易委员会承认自己近年曾有过某种形式的支出，像贿赂、额外打折等等。 为方便讨论起见，我们可将这些支出分为三大类。

第一大类是那些为政治目的或为获得大宗合同所付出的大笔款项。 比如，有一家美国企业曾因可能触犯美国商业法规而正受调查，此时它捐出一大笔款项支持一位总统候选人。 后来发现，正是这家公司打算资助美国推翻智利的秘密行动。

这一大类也包括为得到武器销售或重大的石油、建筑等项目合同而向权势家族及其身边顾问所付出的大笔款项。 在一桩涉及对伊朗武器销售的案子中，一位证人声称一家英国公司曾付给某 \"洽谈人\"100万英镑。此人帮忙做成了一笔向伊朗提供坦克和其他军事设施的交易。 据闻其他国家也是如此，向外国公司施压，要他们向党派组织的账户捐款。

第二大类包括为促使加快对某些工程项目的正式批准而作的支出。 有个故事是说明这类支出的有趣例子：有个销售经理几个月来一直试图向加勒比地区一个国家的建工推销道路工程机械。 他终于想出了办法。 了解到建工收藏珍本书，他买了一本书的珍藏版，在书里夹上两万美元，将其送给。 查看了书的内容，说道：\"我知道这书有两卷本的。\" 头脑灵活的销售经理答道：\"先生，两卷本公司买不起，不过我们可给你弄一本带‘前言’的！\" 不久，这笔生意获准了。

第三大类指某些国家按照的传统做法付给在交易中起作用的人一笔费用。 中东的一些国家和某些亚洲国家都属此类。

是否有可能设计一套公司法规准则防止各种类型的贿赂呢？ 国际商会（ICC）赞成用行为准则来禁止行贿索贿。 这些准则试图区分真正为服务所付的佣金和事实上等同于贿赂的过高费用。 已成立了一个委员会来实际操作这一准则。

可惜的是，国际商会委员们关于如何实行这一准则意见不一。 英国委员们希望这一体系有充分的法律效力以使公司规范行事。 而法国代表认为制定和实施法律是的事；像国际商会这样的商业团体该做的是表明孰对孰错，而非强制实行什么。

在一家知名英国报纸上，最近有位作者指出\"企业已陷入贿赂的蛛网\"，人人都\"贪赃枉法\"。 这一说法可能有些夸张。 然而，当今做海外销售的商人们经常难以达到既确保自己的商业利益，又无愧道德良心的境地。

Research into Population Genetics

While not exactly a top selling book, The History and Geography of Human Genes is a remarkable collection of more than 50 years of research in population genetics. It stands as the most extensive survey to date on how humans vary at the level of their genes. The book's firm conclusion: once the genes for surface features such as skin color and height are discounted, the \"races\" are remarkably alike under the skin. The variation among individuals is much greater than the differences among groups. In fact, there is no scientific basis for theories pushing the genetic superiority of any one population over another.

The book, however, is much more than an argument against the latest racially biased theory. The prime mover behind the project, Luca Cavalli-Sforza, a Stanford professor, labored with his colleagues for 16 years to create nothing less than the first genetic map of the world. The book features more than 500 maps that show areas of genetic similarity — much as places of equal altitude are shown by the same color on other maps. By measuring how closely current populations are related, the authors trace the routes by which early humans migrated around the earth. Result: the closest thing we have to a global family tree.

The information needed to draw that tree is found in human blood: various proteins that serve as markers to reveal a person's genetic makeup. Using data collected by scientists over decades, the authors assembled profiles of hundreds of thousands of individuals from almost 2,000 groups. And to ensure the populations were \"pure\as of 1492, before the first major movements from Europe began — in effect, a genetic photo of the world when Columbus sailed for America.

Collecting blood, particularly from ancient populations in remote areas, was not always easy; potential donors were often afraid to cooperate, or raised religious concerns. On one occasion, when Cavalli-Sforza was taking blood samples from children in a rural region of Africa, he was confronted by an angry farmer waving an axe. Recalls the scientist: \"I remember him saying, ’If you take the blood of the children, I'll take yours.’ He was worried that we might want to do some magic with the blood.\"

Despite the difficulties, the scientists made some remarkable discoveries. One of them jumps right off the book's cover: a color map of the world's genetic variation has Africa at one end of the range and Australia at the other. Because Australia's native people and black Africans share such superficial characteristics as skin color and body shape, they were widely assumed to be closely related. But their genes tell a different story. Of all humans, Australians are most distant from the Africans and most closely resemble their neighbors, the Southeast Asians. What the eye sees as racial differences — between Europeans and Africans, for example — are mainly a way to adapt to climate as humans move from one continent to another.

The same map, in combination with ancient human bones, confirms that Africa was the birthplace of humanity and thus the starting point of the original human movements. Those findings, plus the great genetic distance between present-day Africans and non-Africans, indicate that the split from the African branch is the oldest on the human family tree.

The genetic maps also shed new light on the origins of populations that have long puzzled scientists. Example: the Khoisan people of southern Africa. Many scientists consider the Khoisan a distinct race of very ancient origin. The unique character of the clicking sounds in their language has persuaded some researchers that the Khoisan people are directly descended from the most primitive human ancestors. But their genes beg to differ. They show that the Khoisan may be a very ancient mix of west Asians and black Africans. A genetic trail visible on the maps shows that the breeding ground for this mixed population probably lies in Ethiopia

or the Middle East.

The most distinctive members of the European branch of the human tree are the Basques of France and Spain. They show unusual patterns for several genes, including the highest rate of a rare blood type. Their language is of unknown origin and cannot be placed within any standard classification. And the fact that they live in a region next to famous caves which contain vivid paintings from Europe's early humans, leads Cavalli-Sforza to the following conclusion: \"The Basques are extremely likely to be the most direct relatives of the Cro-Magnon people, among the first modern humans in Europe.\" All Europeans are thought to be a mixed population, with 65% Asian and 35% African genes.

In addition to telling us about our origins, genetic information is also the latest raw material of the medical industry, which hopes to use human DNA to build specialized proteins that may have some value as disease-fighting drugs. Activists for native populations fear that the scientists could exploit these peoples: genetic material taken from blood samples could be used for commercial purposes without adequate payment made to the groups that provide the DNA.

Cavalli-Sforza stresses that his mission is not just scientific but social as well. The study's ultimate aim, he says, is to \"weaken conventional notions of race\" that cause racial prejudice. It is a goal that he hopes will be welcomed among native peoples who have long struggled for the same end.

对人种遗传学的研究

尽管不完全是畅销书，《人类基因的发展与地理分布》是一本汇集了50多年来人种遗传学方面的研究成果的好书。 它对人类在基因层面上的差异作了迄今为止最为广泛的调查，得出了明确的结论： 如果不考虑诸如影响肤色、身高等外部特征的基因，不同的\"种族\"在外表之下令人吃惊地相似。 个体之间的差异大于群体之间的差异。 实际上，那种认为某一种群比另一种群的基因更优越的理论是毫无科学根据的。

然而，此书还不仅仅是对目前的种族偏见理论的反驳。 这一项目的主要倡导者，斯坦福大学教授路卡·卡瓦里-斯福尔扎与同事一起经过16年的努力，成就了这一相当于世界上首本人类基因分布图谱的书。 此书的一大特点是提供了500多幅图，显示相同的遗传基因所处的区域。这很像其他地图上用同样的颜色表示同样海拔高度的地区。 通过测定当前人类种群间的亲缘关系，作者们弄清了地球上早期人类迁移的路线。 他们的工作结果相当于一份全球家谱。

他们在人类血液中找到了绘制这一家谱所需的信息： 不同的蛋白质就是显示一个人的基因构造的标志。 作者们用几十年来科学家们收集的数据，汇编成了2,000多个群体中成千上万个个体的数据图。 为了确保种群的\"纯正\"，这项研究将对象限定于其目前的生活区域仍与1492年以来相同的那些群体，即在来自欧洲最初的大规模迁移之前。这实际上就是一幅真实的哥伦布驶向美洲时期的世界人口基因分布图。

收集血样，特别是到偏远地区的古老人种中去收集，并非总是易事。 可能的供血者通常不敢合作，或产生宗教上的担心。 有一次在非洲乡下，正当卡瓦里-斯福尔扎要从儿童身上采血时，一个愤怒的农人手执斧头出现在他面前。 这位科学家回忆道：\"我记得他说，‘如果你从孩子们身上抽血，我就要放你的血。’ 那人是担心我们可能用这些血来施魔法。\"

尽管碰到了困难，科学家们还是有了一些引人注目的发现。 其中之一就醒目地印在此书封面上： 人类基因变异彩图表明非洲与澳洲分别位于变化范围的两端。 因为澳洲土著和非洲黑人之间有一些共同的外表特征，如肤色、体型等，所以普遍认为他们有较近的亲缘关系。 但是他们的基因却表明并非如此。 在所有人种中，澳洲人与非洲人的关系最远，而与其邻居东南亚人非常接近。 我们眼中看到的人种差异，例如欧洲人与非洲人的差异，主要是人类从一个向另一个迁移时为适应气候所产生的。

结合对远古人骨的研究，这一图谱证实了非洲是人类的诞生地，因而也是人类迁移的始发地。 这些发现，再加上现代非洲人与非非洲人之间的巨大基因差距，说明了从非洲人种群开始的分支是人类家谱上最早的分支。

这一基因分布图谱对长期以来困绕着科学家的人种起源问题也做出了新的解释。 南部非洲的科伊桑人就是一个例子。 很多科学家认为科伊桑人是一个的非常古老的人种。 他们语言中那种独特的短促而清脆的声音使得一些研究者认为科伊桑人是最原始的人类祖先的直系后裔。 然而他们的基因说明了不同的结果。 基因研究表明科伊桑人可能是古代西亚人与非洲黑人的混血， 图谱上显示的遗传轨迹表明这一混血人种的发生地可能就在埃塞俄比亚或中东地区。

人类家谱图上欧洲人分支的非常特殊的成员就是法国和西班牙的巴斯克人。 他们有几组少见的基因型，包括一种罕见血型的发生率在巴斯克人中也是最高的。 他们的语言起源不明，也无法根据任何通常分类来归类。 他们居住的地区紧挨着发现早期欧洲人壁画的几个著名的洞穴的事实使卡瓦里-斯福尔扎得出这样的结论：\" 在欧洲最早的近代人中，巴斯克人极有可能与克罗马努人关系最直接。 \"人们认为所有的欧洲人都是混合人种，有65%的亚洲人基因，35%的非洲人基因。

除了揭示人种的起源以外，基因信息也是医学界可用的最新原料。 医学界希望能用人类脱氧核糖核酸（DNA）制成特别的蛋白质，这些蛋白质具有某种抗病药物的价值。 保护土著益活动家们担心科学家可能会利用土著人谋利： 从当地人血样中提取的基因物质可被用于商业目的，却不给DNA提供者以足够的报酬。

卡瓦里-斯福尔扎强调他的工作不仅有科学意义，而且也有社会意义。 他说研究的最终目的是\"削弱\"造成种族偏见的\"传统的种族观念\"。 他希望这一目的会得到土著民族的接受。长期以来，他们一直在为同样的目的进行抗争。

Slavery Gave Me Nothing to Lose

I remember the very day that I became black. Up to my thirteenth year I lived in the little Negro town of Eatonville, Florida. It is exclusively a black town. The only white people I knew passed through the town going to or coming from Orlando, Florida. The native whites rode dusty horses, and the northern tourists traveled down the sandy village road in automobiles. The town knew the Southerners and never stopped chewing sugar cane when they passed. But the Northerners were something else again. They were peered at cautiously from behind curtains by the timid. The bold would come outside to watch them go past and got just as much pleasure out of the tourists as the tourists got out of the village.

The front deck might seem a frightening place for the rest of the town, but it was a front row seat for me. My favorite place was on top of the gatepost. Not only did I enjoy the show, but I didn't mind the actors knowing that I liked it. I usually spoke to them in passing. I'd wave at them and when they returned my wave, I

would say a few words of greeting. Usually the automobile or the horse paused at this, and after a strange exchange of greetings, I would probably \"go a piece of the way\" with them, as we say in farthest Florida, and follow them down the road a bit. If one of my family happened to come to the front of the house in time to see me, of course the conversation would be rudely broken off.

During this period, white people differed from black to me only in that they rode through town and never lived there. They liked to hear me \"speak pieces\" and sing and wanted to see me dance, and gave me generously of their small silver for doing these things, which seemed strange to me for I wanted to do them so much that I needed bribing to stop. Only they didn't know it. The colored people gave no coins. They disapproved of any joyful tendencies in me, but I was their Zora nevertheless. I belonged to them, to the nearby hotels, to the country — everybody's Zora.

But changes came to the family when I was thirteen, and I was sent to school in Jacksonville. I left Eatonville as Zora. When I got off the riverboat at Jacksonville, she was no more. It seemed that I had suffered a huge change. I was not Zora of Eatonville any more; I was now a little black girl. I found it out in certain ways. In my heart as well as in the mirror, I became a permanent brown — like the best shoe polish, guaranteed not to rub nor run.

Someone is always at my elbow reminding me that I am the granddaughter of slaves. It fails to register depression with me. Slavery is something sixty years in the past. The operation was successful and the patient is doing well, thank you. The

terrible war that made me an American instead of a slave said \"On the line!\" The period following the Civil War said \"Get set!\"; and the generation before me said \"Go!\" Like a foot race, I am off to a flying start and I must not halt in the middle to look behind and weep. Slavery is the price I paid for civilization, and the choice was not with me. No one on earth ever had a greater chance for glory. The world to be won and nothing to be lost. It is thrilling to think, to know, that for any act of mine, I shall get twice as much praise or twice as much blame. It is quite exciting to hold the center of the national stage, with the audience not knowing whether to laugh or to weep.

I do not always feel colored. Even now I often achieve the unconscious Zora of that small village, Eatonville. For instance, I can sit in a restaurant with a white person. We enter chatting about any little things that we have in common and the white man would sit calmly in his seat, listening to me with interest.

At certain times I have no race, I am me. But in the main, I feel like a brown bag of mixed items propped up against a wall. Against a wall in company with other bags, white, red and yellow. Pour out the contents, and there is discovered a pile of small things both valuable and worthless. Bits of broken glass, lengths of string, a key to a door long since decayed away, a rusty knife-blade, old shoes saved for a road that never was and never will be, a nail bent under the weight of things too heavy for any nail, a dried flower or two still with a little smell. In your hand is the brown bag. On the ground before you is the pile it held — so much like the piles in the other bags, could they be emptied, that all might be combined and mixed in a single heap and the bags refilled without altering the content of any greatly. A bit

of colored glass more or less would not matter. Perhaps that is how the Great Stuffer of Bags filled them in the first place — who knows?

黑奴的历史对我没有什么损失

我清楚地记得我成为黑人的那一天。 13岁之前我一直住在佛罗里达州的一个黑人小镇伊顿维尔。 小镇的居民全是黑人。 我所接触过的仅有的白人都是来自佛罗里达的奥兰多或是去往奥兰多的过客。 本地的白人骑着风尘仆仆的马匹，而北方来的旅游者则驾着汽车沿着乡下的沙土路一路驶来。 小镇的人见惯了南方人，因此他们经过时小镇的人照旧大嚼甘蔗。 但是看到北方人则又是另一回事了。 小镇的人胆小的就躲在窗帘后小心翼翼地偷看他们， 胆大的则会走出屋外看着他们经过，感到很开心，就像这些旅游者看到这村庄也感到很有乐趣一样。

上门前平台去可能会吓坏镇上其他人，但对我来说，那儿就像前排座位一样。 我最爱坐在门柱上。 我不仅喜欢在那儿看人们来来往往，也不在乎让那些人知道我喜欢看， 顺便还与他们搭几句话。我向他们挥手，如果他们也向我挥手，我还与他们打招呼。 对此，骑马或驾车的人通常会停下来，我们不可思议地互打招呼之后，我可能会随着他们\"颠儿几步\"，这是我们佛罗里达最南边的说法，意思是跟着他们走上一小段路。 如果正赶上家里人碰巧来到房前见到我，他们当然就会毫不客气地打断我们的交谈。

那段日子里，在我看来，白人和黑人的不同只不过是他们路过镇上，但从不住在镇上。 他们喜欢听我\"说几句\"，听我唱歌，想看我跳舞，并为此大方地给我小银币。这倒使我感到奇怪，因为我太愿意跟他们\"说上几句\"，为他们唱歌跳舞了，得给我钱才能使我停下来。 只是他们不知道这一点。 黑人不会给我钱，对我表现出的任何一点欢乐的苗头，他们都不赞同。 但我仍然是他们的佐拉，我是属于他们，属于周围的旅馆，属于那个地方，属于每

一个人的佐拉。

但我13岁时，家里发生了变故，我被送到杰克逊维尔的学校去了。 离开伊顿维尔时我还是我，佐拉。 可在杰克逊维尔下了船后，原来的佐拉不复存在了。 我似乎已发生了巨大的变化， 我再也不是伊顿维尔的佐拉了，我现在成了个小黑妞。 在好几方面我都发现了自己的这种变化。 不仅在镜中，也在内心深处，我变成了永远不黑不白的棕色人-- 就像那最好的鞋油，不会被抹掉，也永不褪色。

身边总有人不断提醒我自己是个奴隶的后代，但这并没有使我沮丧。 奴隶制是60年前的事了。 黑奴这场手术很成功，病人的情况也不错，谢谢。 这场使我从黑奴变为美国公民的可怕战争对我叫道\"各就各位！\" 内战后的那段时期说\"预备！ \"我的上一代人喊道\"跑！\" 就像一场赛跑一样，我飞速起跑，决不可中途停步，回望伤心。 黑奴的历史是我为文明生活所付的代价，而作出这一选择的并不是我。 世界上再没有什么人有过比此更大的争取荣耀的机会了。 想想将要获得的新生活，而且我们没有任何损失。 不管我做什么，都可能得到双倍的嘉奖，或是双份的责难。 想想这一点，知道这一点都令人激动不已。占据国内舞台的中心可真刺激，而台下的观众则不知是喜是忧。

我没有老是感到自己是有色人种。 甚至现在我感觉自己还是在伊顿维尔小镇上的懵然无知的佐拉。 比如, 我可以在餐馆和一位白人坐在一起。 我们闲谈一些平常的琐事, 白人会安静地坐着，兴味盎然地听着。

有时候我不属于任何人种，我就是我自己。 但我大体上还是感觉自己像一只靠墙立着装满各种杂物的棕色皮袋子。 靠墙立着的还有其他颜色的袋子，白色的，红色的，黄色的。 倒出袋中物，可以发现一堆或有用或无用的小杂物： 碎玻璃块；小线头儿；一扇早已朽败的门上的钥匙；一把锈蚀的刀；一双为某条从来没有、将来也不会有的路而准备的旧鞋；

一颗弯折的钉，它所承受过的重量足以弄折任何钉子；一两支干花，仍散发出几许花香。 你手中拿的是棕色的袋子， 面前的地上则是袋中所装的那堆东西的--它与其他袋子中所倒出的一堆堆东西几乎一模一样，如果把它们混成一大堆，再重新装回各自的袋中，也不会有多大的不同。 多少有点有色玻璃片也没有什么关系。 也许当初上帝这个装袋者往我们各自的皮袋子中填塞时正是这么做的，谁知道呢？

Make Euro Disney More European

Does Mickey Mouse have a beard?

No.

Does this mean that French men seeking work with the Disney organization must shave off their moustaches too?

It depends.

A labor inspector took the Disney organization to court this week, contending that the company's dress and appearance code — which bans moustaches, beards, excess weight, short skirts and fancy stockings — offends individual liberty and violates French labor law.

The case is an illustration of some of the delicate cultural issues the company faces as it gets ready to open its theme park 20 miles (32 kilometers) east of Paris in five months' time.

The Disney management, which is assembling what it calls a \"cast\" of 12,000 to run the theme park, argues that all employees, from bottle washers to the president, are similar to actors who have to obey rules about appearance. Anyway, a company spokesman says, no one has yet put his moustache before a job. As one new \"cast member\" put it: \"You must believe in what you are doing, or you would have a terrible time here.\"

But what do people think of Euro Disney? People everywhere are wondering whether Europeans would like the American recreation.

For all its concern about foreign cultural invasion and its defense against the pollution of the French language by English words, France's Socialist government has been untroubled about putting such a huge American symbol on the doorstep of the capital and has been more concerned about its social effect. It made an extraordinary series of tax and financial concessions to attract the theme park here rather than let it go to sunny Spain.

The theme park itself will be only part of a giant complex of housing, office, and resort developments stretching far into the next century, including movie and television production facilities. As part of its deal with the Disney organization, the government is laying on and paying for new highways, an extension of Paris's regional express railway and even a direct connection for the high speed TGV railway to the Channel Tunnel. The TGV station is being built in front of the main entrance of Euro Disneyland, and is scheduled to come into service in 1994.

If Euro Disneyland succeeds — where theme parks already in France have so far failed — a second and even a third park is likely to be built by the end of the century. Financial experts say that Euro Disneyland, the first phase of which is costing an estimated $3.6 billion, is essential to Disney's overall fortunes, which have been hit by competition and declining attendance in the United States.

French intellectuals have not found many kind things to say about the project. The kids, however, will probably never notice. Sleeping Beauty, Snow White, Peter Pan, and Pinocchio all come from European fairy tales or stories and are as familiar to children here as they are in the United States. To a French child Mickey is French. To an Italian kid he is Italian.

The Disney management is stressing this tradition in an apparent response to suggestions that it is culturally insensitive. Although the concept of the theme park is closely based on the original Magic Kingdom in California and Walt Disney World in Florida, \"Euro Disneyland will be unique in a manner appropriate to its European home,\" the company says. \"The legends and fairy tales which come from Europe figure prominently in the creative development of the theme park.\" Officials point out, for example, that Sleeping Beauty's castle, the central feature of the theme park, is based not on Hollywood, as some might think, but on the illustrations in a medieval European book. Also, a 360-degree movie, based on the adventures of Jules Verne, features well-known European actors.

Asked to describe other aspects of the effort to make the park more European, a spokesman mentioned that direction signs in the theme park will be in French as

well as English, and that some performers will chat in French, Spanish and English. \"The challenge is telling things people already know — and at the same time making it different,\" the spokesman said.

On the other hand, this effort is not being taken too far. Another Disney spokesman said earlier that the aim of the theme park is to provide a basically American experience for those who seek it. In this way, he said, people who might otherwise have contemplated a vacation in the United States will be happy to stay on this side of the Atlantic.

The Disney organization does seem to focus a bit too much on hair. \"Main Street, USAhe heart of Euro Disneyland, it promises, will feature an old time \"Harmony Barber Shop\" to deal with \"messy hair and hairy chins\" — and perhaps even offending mustaches. One difference from California or Florida: Parts of Main Street and waiting areas to get into the attractions will be covered over as a concession to Paris's rainy weather.

Euro Disneyland's short distance to Paris is a definite attraction. Anyone tiring of American or fake European culture can reach the Louvre art museum by express railway in less than an hour — from Minnie Mouse to Mona Lisa in a flash.

Communications figured largely in the Disney organization's decision to site its fourth theme park near Paris. The site is within a two-hour flight of 320 million Europeans. The opening of Eastern Europe is another prize for the company, which thinks that millions of people will put Disneyland at the top of a list of places to

visit on their first trip to Western Europe.

使欧洲迪斯尼乐园更欧洲化

米老鼠有胡须吗？

没有。

这是不是说法国人要想在迪斯尼工作就必须剃掉胡子才行？

这得看情况了。

一位劳工问题督察员本周将迪斯尼公司告上了法庭，他声称公司的着装规定--不准蓄胡须，不准体重超标，不准穿超短裙和花哨的袜子--侵犯了个人自由，也违反了法国的劳工法。

迪斯尼公司正准备五个月后在巴黎以东20英里（32公里）的地方修建一个主题公园，而这一案子正说明了公司面临的一些文化方面的棘手问题。

迪斯尼管理层正在为这一主题公园组织一支他们称为\"演职人员\"的12,000人的队伍。 管理方说所有的雇员，从刷瓶工到总裁，他们的工作都类似于演员，都得服从关于仪表的规定。 公司发言人说，不管怎样，至今还没有人把胡子看得比工作还重要。 正如一个新来的\"演职人员\"所说： \"你必须相信你这份工作的意义，不然的话日子不好过。\"

然而人们怎样看待欧洲迪斯尼乐园? 各处的人们想知道欧洲人是否会欢迎美国式的消遣活动。

尽管对外国文化的入侵感到不安，尽管要保语不受英语的污染，法国的社会党对将这么庞大的美国文化的象征放在首都门口却并不担忧，而是更多地关心其社会效果。 为了将这一主题公园留在这里，而不是建在充满阳光的西班牙，法国做出了税收和财政方面的一系列重大让步。

主题公园本身只不过是这一巨大综合项目的一部分。综合项目包括住房、办公楼，以及将一直延续到下一世纪、包括影视拍摄设施在内的度假胜地开发。 作为与迪斯尼公司合作协议的一部分，正在铺设新的公路并支付建设款项，它是巴黎地区快速轨道交通的延伸，甚至可直接连接到通往英吉利海峡隧道的高速电气铁路（TGV）。 欧洲迪斯尼乐园的正门前正在建设高速电气铁路火车站，预定于1994年交付使用。

如果欧洲迪斯尼乐园获得成功--迄今为止在法国开设的主题公园都不成功--到本世纪末很可能会再建第二甚至第三个主题公园。 欧洲迪斯尼乐园的第一期工程预计将花费36亿美元，财政专家说这一项目对迪斯尼的总体财富非常重要。迪斯尼在美国已遭遇到了竞争，游客量正在下降。

法国的知识分子们对这个项目并无好感，然而孩子们却不管这些。 睡美人、白雪公主、彼得·潘和匹诺曹都是欧洲童话故事里的人物，这里的孩子对他们的熟悉程度丝毫不亚于美国的孩子。 在法国孩子眼里，米老鼠是法国人；在意大利孩子眼里，米老鼠是意大利人。

迪斯尼管理层强调这一传统，显然这是对有人暗示迪斯尼管理层在文化传统方面麻木不仁的回应。 尽管主题公园这一概念是以加利福尼亚州的奇妙王国和佛罗里达州的沃尔特·迪斯尼世界为基础的，但\"欧洲迪斯尼乐园将具有欧洲的独特风格，\"公司说。 \"主题公园的创造性发挥突出地表现了欧洲的传说和童话故事，\" 公司的行政人员指出，例如，睡美人的城堡这个主题公园的中心建筑不是像一些人所想的那样根据好莱坞的作品创造的，

而是根据一本欧洲中世纪的书中的插图建造的。 同样，根据儒勒·凡尔纳所写的冒险故事拍摄的360度环形电影是由著名的欧洲演员主演的。

当问及还有什么其他措施来使主题公园更欧洲化时，一位发言人提到，公园的指示牌会既用英语，也用法语，一些表演者会以法语、西班牙语和英语表演。 这位发言人说：\"难的是要将人们已熟知的事说得让它听起来不同。\"

而另一方面，主题公园也不会过分欧洲化。 迪斯尼的另一位发言人早些时候说主题公园的目的就是为那些追求美式生活的人带来基本上是美国式的体验。 他说，这样，那些本已考虑去美国度假的人就会高兴地留在大西洋的此岸了。

迪斯尼公司似乎对须发特别在意。 它称将在欧洲迪斯尼乐园的中心\"美国大马路\"建一个旧时的\"和谐理发店\"来处理\"乱糟糟的头发和胡子拉碴的下巴\"，也许还要管管唇上髭须。 这一乐园与加利福尼亚州和佛罗里达州的乐园有一个不同之处：这条\"美国大马路\"的部分地区，以及入内游玩的等候区将会有遮棚，以对付巴黎的多雨季节。

欧洲迪斯尼乐园距巴黎不远，这肯定颇具吸引力。 任何人厌倦了那里的美式或仿冒的欧式文化了，就可乘快速列车，不到一小时就可到达罗浮宫，一瞬间就从米尼老鼠身边来到了蒙娜·丽莎面前。

交通因素在迪斯尼公司做出将其第四个主题公园选址于巴黎附近这一决定中起了重要作用。 这一地址距3亿2,000万欧洲人不超过两小时飞行距离。 东欧的开放对迪斯尼来说又是一大收获，他们认为几百万人将会把迪斯尼乐园作为其首次西欧之旅的首选之地。

How to Cultivate \"EQ\"

What is the most valuable contribution employees make to their companies, knowledge or judgment? I say judgment. Knowledge, no matter how broad, is useless until it is applied. And application takes judgment, which involves something of a sixth sense — a high performance of the mind.

This raises interesting questions about the best training for today's business people. As Daniel Goleman suggests in his new book, Emotional Intelligence, the latest scientific findings seem to indicate that intelligent but inflexible people don't have the right stuff in an age when the adaptive ability is the key to survival.

In a recent cover story, Time magazine sorted through the current thinking on intelligence and reported, \"New brain research suggests that emotions, not IQ, may be the true measure of human intelligence.\" The basic significance of the emotional intelligence that Time called \"EQ\" was suggested by management expert Karen Boylston: \"Customers are telling businesses, 'I don't care if every member of your staff graduated from Harvard. I will take my business and go where I am understood and treated with respect.'\"

If the evolutionary pressures of the marketplace are making EQ, not IQ, the hot ticket for business success, it seems likely that individuals will want to know how to cultivate it. I have a modest proposal: Embrace a highly personal practice aimed at improving these four adaptive skills:

Raising consciousness. I think of this as thinking differently on purpose. It's about noticing what you are feeling and thinking and escaping the conditioned

confines of your past. Raise your consciousness by catching yourself in the act of thinking as often as possible. Routinely take note of your emotions and ask if you're facing facts or avoiding them.

Using imagery. This is what you see Olympic ski racers doing before entering the starting gate. With their eyes closed and bodies swaying, they run the course in their minds first, which improves their performance. You can do the same by setting aside time each day to dream with passion about what you want to achieve.

Considering and reconsidering events to choose the most creative response to them. When a Greek philosopher said 2,000 years ago that it isn't events that matter but our opinion of them, this is what he was talking about. Every time something important happens, assign as many interpretations to it as possible, even crazy ones. Then go with the interpretation most supportive of your dreams.

Integrating the perspectives of others. Brain research shows that our view of the world is limited by our genes and the experiences we've had. Learning to incorporate the useful perspectives of others is nothing less than a form of enlarging your senses. The next time someone interprets something differently from you — say, a controversial political event — pause to reflect on the role of life experience and consider it a gift of perception.

The force of habit — literally the established wiring of your brain — will pull you away from practicing these skills. Keep at it, however, because they are based

on what we're learning about the mechanisms of the mind.

Within the first six months of life the human brain doubles in capacity; it doubles again by age four and then grows rapidly until we reach sexual maturity. The body has about a hundred billion nerve cells, and every experience triggers a brain response that literally shapes our senses. The mind, we now know, is not confined to the brain but is distributed throughout the body's universe of cells. Yes, we do think with our hearts, brains, muscles, blood and bones.

During a single crucial three-week period during our teenage years, chemical activity in the brain is cut in half. That done, we are \"biologically wired\" with what one of the nation's leading brain researchers calls our own \"world view\". He says it is impossible for any two people to see the world exactly alike. So unique is the personal experience that people would understand the world differently.

However, it is not only possible to change your world view, he says, it's actually easier than overcoming a drug habit. But you need a discipline for doing it. Hence, the method recommended here.

No, it's not a curriculum in the sense that an MBA is. But the latest research seems to imply that without the software of emotional maturity and self-knowledge, the hardware of academic training alone is worth less and less.

如何培育“情商”

员工对公司最有价值的贡献是什么，是知识还是判断力？ 我说是判断力。不管知识面有多宽，如果得不到应用，那就毫无用处。 而知识的应用需要判断力，判断力涉及某种第六感觉——是思维的高度运用。

这就提出了现今关于企业界人士最佳培训课程的有趣问题。 正如丹尼尔·戈尔曼在他的新书《情感智能》中所说，最新的科研结果似乎表明，在一个适应能力是生存关键的年代，聪明但缺乏灵活性的人并不具备这种适应的才能。

《时代周刊》最近的封面故事列举了关于智能的一些流行看法，报道说，\"新的人脑研究表明，情感，而不是智商，可能是衡量人的智能的真正尺度。\" 《时代周刊》称之为\"情商\"的情感智能的根本意义，在企业管理专家凯伦·波尔斯顿的话中可见一斑： \"顾客对企业说‘我可不在乎你的每个员工是否都毕业于哈佛， 我只愿与能理解我、尊重我的企业打交道。’\"

如果说市场的进化发展所造成的压力使得情商，而不是智商，成为企业走向成功的通行证，那么，人们似乎很可能希望懂得如何培养情商。 我有个小小的建议：积极进行自我训练，努力提高以下四项适应性技能：

提高意识程度。我把这看作是思考中有目的的独辟蹊径。 这是指注意自己感受到什么，在想什么，摆脱掉往日带给自己的种种。 尽可能多地注意到思考时的自己，以此来提高意识程度。 要习惯性地注意自己的情感，问问自己是在面对事实还是逃避事实。

利用意象。这就是奥林匹克滑雪赛手在进入起跑门之前所做的。 他们闭上眼，摆动身体，在头脑中先把整个滑雪道跑一遍，这能提高他们在实际比赛中的表现。 我们也可以这样做，每天留出时间来带着激情想像一番自己想要获得的成就。

反复考虑各种事件，并对它们做出最富创意的反应。 2,000年前的一位希腊哲学家说过，重要的不是事件本身，而是我们对事件的看法，他说的正是此意。 每当发生重要事情时，要尽可能多方面地看问题，甚至作超乎寻常的理解， 然后照着最有利于自己理想的那种理解去做。

综合考虑他人的看法。 大脑研究表明，人们对外界的看法受到遗传基因及个人经历的局限。 学会吸纳他人有用的观点就等于是一种扩大自己的见识的方式。 下次如果有人对某件事与你有不同的看法，比如某个有争议的政治事件，停下来想想这其实是生活阅历使然，应把它看作一种感知能力的馈赠。

习惯的力量——严格说就是头脑里已建立的思维方式——会妨碍你操练这些技能。 然而要坚持下去，因为它们是以对思维机制的认识为基础的。

人脑的容量在生命开始的最初六周增长了一倍，到四岁时又增长一倍，其后大脑的容量迅速发展直到性成熟为止。 人体有大约1,000亿个神经细胞，每一次经历都会激发脑部的反应，而这种反应实际上影响着我们的感知。 我们现在知道，思想活动并不局限在脑部，而是遍布全身范围的细胞中。 是的，我们的确是在用心、用脑、用肌肉、用血液和骨骼来思考。

我们的青少年阶段有一个为期三周的关键时期，此时脑部的化学反应活动一分为二。 完成了这一变化，正如国内一位重要的大脑研究人员所说，我们\"对外界的看法\"就\"在生理上定型了\"。 他说任何两个人都不可能对外界有完全一样的看法。 个人的体验都是独一无二的，以至人们对外界的理解都不相同。

然而，他说，人们对外界的看法不仅有可能改变，而且实际上这比克服毒瘾要容易。 但

是，要想做到这一点需要训练。 因此我们推荐了上述做法。

这并不是像MBA那样的课程。 但最新的研究似乎表明，缺乏情感成熟和自我了解这一软件，单靠纯学院式的培训这一硬件是没有用的。